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Keeping an Eye Open: Essays on Art (Vintage International) Paperback – June 13, 2017
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“An engaging and empathetic volume.” —The New York Times Book Review
As Julian Barnes notes: “Flaubert believed that it was impossible to explain one art form in terms of another, and that great paintings required no words of explanation. Braque thought the ideal state would be reached when we said nothing at all in front of a painting … But it is a rare picture that stuns, or argues, us into silence. And if one does, it is only a short time before we want to explain and understand the very silence into which we have been plunged.”
This is the exact dynamic that informs his new book. In his 1989 novel A History of the World in 10½ Chapters, Barnes had a chapter on Géricault’s The Raft of the Medusa, and since then he has written about many great masters of art, including Delacroix, Manet, Fantin-Latour, Cézanne, Degas, Redon, Bonnard, Vuillard, Vallotton, Braque, Magritte, Oldenburg, Lucian Freud and Howard Hodgkin. The seventeen essays gathered here help trace the arc from Romanticism to Realism and into Modernism; they are adroit, insightful and, above all, a true pleasure to read.
- Print length288 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherVintage
- Publication dateJune 13, 2017
- Dimensions6.8 x 1 x 8.6 inches
- ISBN-10110187337X
- ISBN-13978-1101873373
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Editorial Reviews
Review
“An engaging and empathetic volume.” —The New York Times Book Review
“Perceptive. . . . Generous and discerning.” —The Boston Globe
“Fascinating and brilliant. . . . This magnificent survey draws its strength from its intensely personal focus, each piece reverberating off the others.” —The Financial Times
“Illuminating. . . . Avid and thoughtful. . . . [Barnes] chatters like the gifted novelist he is, using his eye for the telling detail, his narrative intuition and his understanding of the creative process to help us see familiar artists like Degas, Braque and Magritte afresh, and to appreciate the work of lesser-known masters as well.” —The New York Times
“[A] superb collection. . . . Barnes’s observations and expression prov[e] equally adept and satisfying.” —Minneapolis Star Tribune
“This is art writing of the first order. . . . Page after page, essay after essay, Barnes pulls off the sort of acrobatically erudite performance that ultimately draws as much admiration for him as for the art he describes.” —Richmond Times-Dispatch
“Powerful accounts of interconnections between art and artist. . . . Sharply observed and richly illuminating. . . . Barnes has a wonderful eye for what makes a great picture, and a command of language that again and again allows readers to share what he sees.” —Times Literary Supplement
“A readable, riveting, informed work with sharp, marvellous anecdotes and observations. . . . In this beautifully illustrated book you’re in great company.” —The Irish Independent
“Extremely rewarding, informative, attentive, thoughtful, entertaining.” —The Evening Standard
“Barnes weaves biography, history, philosophy in this fascinating, richly illuminating and beautifully written book.” —Art Quarterly
“It’s both a pleasure and an education to look over Barnes’s shoulder as he interrogates, wonders at, and relishes works of art. He’s a critic who prioritizes the objects themselves, and his work is always satisfying.” —Publishers Weekly (starred review)
“Scholarly and astute yet accessible and exciting. . . . Barnes focuses his analytical prowess on significant artists and their oeuvres, opening fresh vistas to readers—and viewers.” —Kirkus Reviews (starred)
“Handsomely illustrated, superbly written, felicitously thought-provoking. . . . Barnes is a consummate stylist, not only because of his artistic command of language but also by virtue of his searching intelligence, incisive candor, rogue wit, and righteous fairness.” —Booklist
“[Barnes] digs into fascinating details of isometric proportions. . . . Highly recommended to all art readers.” —Library Journal
About the Author
www.julianbarnes.com
Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.
I
It began with a portent.
They had doubled Cape Finisterre and were sailing south before a fresh wind when a school of porpoises surrounded the frigate. Those on board crowded the poop and the breastwork, marvelling at the animals’ ability to circle a vessel already gaily proceeding at nine or ten knots. But as they watched the sporting of the porpoises, a cry was raised. A cabin boy had fallen through one of the fore portholes on the larboard side. A signal gun was fired, a life-raft thrown out, and the vessel hove to. But these manoeuvres were cumbrously done, and by the time the six-oared barge was let down, it was in vain. They could not find the raft, let alone the boy. He was only fifteen years old, and those who knew him maintained that he was a strong swimmer; they conjectured that he would most probably have reached the raft. If so, he doubtless perished upon it, after having experienced the most cruel sufferings.
The expedition for Senegal consisted of four vessels: a frigate, a corvette, a flute and a brig. It had set sail from the Island of Aix on 17th June 1816 with 365 people on board. Now it continued south with its complement reduced by one. They provisioned at Tenerife, taking on precious wines, oranges, lemons, banian figs and vegetables of all kinds. Here they noted the depravity of the local inhabitants: the women of Saint Croix stood at their doors and urged the Frenchmen to enter, confident that their husbands’ jealousies would be cured by the monks of the Inquisition who would speak disapprovingly of conjugal mania as the blinding gift of Satan. Reflective passengers ascribed such behaviour to the southern sun, whose power, it is known, weakens both natural and moral bonds.
From Tenerife they sailed south-south-west. Fresh winds and navigational ineptitude scattered the flotilla. Alone, the frigate passed the tropic and rounded Cape Barbas. It was running close to the shore, at times no more than half a cannon shot away. The sea was strewn with rocks; brigantines could not frequent these seas at low water. They had doubled Cape Blanco, or so they believed, when they found themselves in shallows; the lead was cast every half-hour. At daybreak Mr. Maudet, ensign of the watch, made out the reckoning upon a chicken coop, and judged that they were on the edge of the Arguin reef. His advice was discounted. But even those unschooled in the sea could observe that the water had changed colour; weed was apparent at the ship’s side, and a great many fish were being taken. In calm seas and clear weather, they were running aground. The lead announced eighteen fathoms, then shortly afterwards six fathoms. The frigate, luffing, almost immediately gave a heel; a second and third, then stopped. The sounding line showed a depth of five metres and sixty centimetres.
By misfortune, they had struck the reef at high tide; and the seas growing violent, attempts to free the ship failed. The frigate was assuredly lost. Since the boats it carried were not capacious enough to contain the whole personnel, it was decided to build a raft and embark upon it those who could not be put into the boats. The raft would then be towed to the shore and all would be saved. This plan was perfectly well laid; but as two of the company were later to affirm, it was traced upon loose sand, which was dispersed by the breath of egotism.
The raft was made, and well made, places in the boats allotted, provisions made ready. At daybreak, with two metres and seventy centimetres of water in the hold and the pumps failing, the order was given to abandon ship. Yet disorder quickly embraced the well-laid plan. The allotment of places was ignored, and the provisions were carelessly handled, forgotten or lost in the waters. One hundred and fifty was to be the complement of the raft: 120 soldiers, including officers, twenty-nine sailors and male passengers, one woman. But scarcely had fifty men got on board this machine—whose extent was twenty metres in length and seven in breadth—than it sank under the water to a depth of at least seventy centimetres. They cast off the barrels of flour which had been embarked, whereupon the level of the raft rose; the remaining people descended upon it, and it sank again. When the machine was fully laden, it was a metre beneath the surface, and those on board so crowded they could not take a single step; at the back and front, they were in water up to the waist. Loose flour barrels were cast against them by the waves; a twenty-five-pound bag of biscuit was thrown down to them, which the water converted at once into a paste.
It had been intended that one of the naval officers should take command of the raft; but this officer declined to come on board. At seven o’clock in the morning the signal for departure was given, and the little flotilla pulled away from the abandoned frigate. Seventeen persons had refused to leave the vessel, or had concealed themselves away, and thus remained on board to discover their fate.
The raft was towed by four boats in line astern, preceded by a pinnace, which made soundings. As the boats took up their positions, cries of Vive le roi! arose from the men on the raft, and a small white flag was raised upon the end of a musket. But it was at this instant of greatest hope and expectation for those upon the raft that the breath of egotism was added to the normal winds of the sea. One by one, whether for reason of self-interest, incompetence, misfortune or seeming necessity, the tow-ropes were cast aside.
The raft was barely two leagues from the frigate when it was abandoned. Those on board had wine, a little brandy, some water and a small portion of sodden biscuit. They had been given no compass or chart. With neither oars nor rudder, there was no means of controlling the raft, and little means either of controlling those upon it, who were constantly flung against one another as the waters rolled over them. In the first night, a storm got up and threw the machine with great violence; the cries of those on board mingled with the roaring of the billows. Some attached ropes to the timbers of the craft, and held fast to these; all were buffeted without mercy. By daybreak the air was filled with lamentable cries; vows which could never be fulfilled were offered up to Heaven, and all prepared themselves for imminent death. It was impossible to form an idea of that first night which was not below the truth.
The next day the seas were calm, and for many hope was rekindled. Nevertheless, two young lads and a baker, convinced that there was no escape from death, bade farewell to their companions and willingly embraced the sea. It was during this day that those on the raft began to experience their first delusions. Some fancied that they saw land, others espied vessels come to save them, and the dashing of these deceptive hopes upon the rocks provoked greater despondency.
The second night was more terrible than the first. The seas were mountainous and the raft constantly near to being overthrown; the officers, clustered by the short mast, ordered the soldiery from one side of the machine to the other to counterbalance the energy of the waves. A group of men, certain that they were lost, broke open a cask of wine and resolved to soothe their last moments by abandoning the power of reason; in which they succeeded, until the sea water coming in through the hole they had made in the cask spoiled the wine. Thus doubly maddened, these disordered men determined to send all to a common destruction, and to this end attacked the ropes that bound the raft together. The mutineers being resisted, a pitched battle took place amid the waves and the darkness of the night. Order was restored, and there was an hour of tranquillity upon that fatal machine. But at midnight the soldiery rose again and attacked their superiors with knives and sabres; those without weapons were so deranged that they attempted to tear at the officers with their teeth, and many bites were endured. Men were thrown into the sea, bludgeoned, stabbed; two barrels of wine were thrown overboard and the last of the water. By the time the villains were subdued, the raft was laden with corpses.
During the first uprising, a workman by the name of Dominique, who had joined the mutineers, was cast into the sea. On hearing the piteous cries of this treacherous underling, the engineer in charge of the workmen threw himself into the water and, taking the villain by the hair, succeeded in dragging him back on board. Dominique’s head had been split open by a sabre. In the darkness the wound was bound up and the wretch restored to life. But no sooner was he so revived than ingratitude overtook him; he joined the mutineers and rose with them again. This time he found less fortune and less mercy; he perished that night.
Delirium now menaced the unhappy survivors. Some threw themselves into the sea; some fell into torpor; some unfortunate wretches rushed at their comrades with sabres drawn, demanding to be given the wing of a chicken. The engineer whose bravery had saved the workman Dominique pictured himself travelling the fine plains of Italy, and one of the officers saying to him, “I remember that we have been deserted by the boats; but fear nothing; I have just written to the governor, and in a few hours we will be saved.” The engineer, calm in his delirium, responded thus: “Have you a pigeon to carry your orders with as much celerity?”
Only one cask of wine remained for the sixty still on board the raft. They collected tags from the soldiers and fashioned them into fish-hooks; they took a bayonet and bent it into such shape as to catch a shark. Whereupon a shark arrived, and seized the bayonet, and with a savage twist of its jaw straightened it fully out again, and swam away.
An extreme resource proved necessary to prolong their miserable existence. Some of those who had survived the night of the mutiny fell upon the corpses and hacked pieces from them, devouring the flesh upon the instant. Most of the officers refused this meat; though one proposed that it should first be dried to make it more palatable. Some tried chewing sword-belts and cartouche boxes, and the leather trimmings to their hats, with little benefit. One sailor attempted to eat his own excrement, but he could not succeed.
The third day was calm and fine. They took repose, but cruel dreams added to the horrors already inflicted by hunger and thirst. The raft, which now carried less than one half its original complement, had risen up in the water, an unforeseen benefit of the night’s mutinies. Yet those on board remained in water to the knees, and could only repose standing up, pressed against one another in a solid mass. On the fourth morning they perceived that a dozen of their fellows had died in the night; the bodies were given to the sea, except for one that was reserved against their hunger. At four o’clock that afternoon a shoal of flying fish passed over the raft, and many became ensnared in the extremities of the machine. That night they dressed the fish, but their hunger was so great and each portion so exiguous that many of them added human flesh to the fish, and the flesh being dressed was found less repugnant. Even the officers began to eat it when presented in this form.
It was from this day onwards that all learned to consume human flesh. The next night was to bring a fresh supply. Some Spaniards, Italians and Negroes, who had remained neutral during the first mutinies, conspired together with the plan of throwing their superiors overboard and escaping to the shore, which they believed to be at hand, with those valuables and possessions that had been placed into a bag and hung upon the mast. Once more, a terrible combat ensued, and blood washed over the fatal raft. When this third mutiny was finally suppressed, there remained no more than thirty on board, and the raft had risen yet again in the water. Barely a man lay without wounds, into which salt water constantly flowed, and piercing cries were heard.
On the seventh day two soldiers concealed themselves behind the last barrel of wine. They struck a hole in it and began to drink the wine through a straw. On being discovered, the two trespassers were instantly cast into the water, in accordance with the necessary law that had been promulgated.
It was now that the most terrible decision came to be taken. On counting their numbers, it was found that they were twenty-seven. Fifteen of these were likely to live for some days; the rest, suffering from large wounds and many of them delirious, had but the smallest chance of survival. In the time that might elapse before their deaths, however, they would surely diminish further the limited supply of provisions. It was calculated that they could well drink between them as many as thirty or forty bottles of wine. To put the sick on half-allowance was to kill them by degrees. And thus, after a debate in which the most dreadful despair presided, it was agreed among the fifteen healthy persons that their sick comrades must, for the common good of those who might yet survive, be cast into the sea. Three sailors and a soldier, their hearts now hardened by the constant sight of death, performed these repugnant but necessary executions. The healthy were separated from the unhealthy like the clean from the unclean.
After this cruel sacrifice, the last fifteen survivors threw all their arms into the water, reserving only a sabre lest some rope or wood might need cutting. There was sustenance left for six days while they awaited death.
Then came a small event which each interpreted according to his nature. A white butterfly, of a species common in France, appeared over their heads fluttering, and settled upon the sail. To some, crazed with hunger, it seemed that even this could make a morsel. To others, the ease with which their visitor moved appeared a very mockery of those who lay exhausted and almost motionless beneath it. To yet others, this simple butterfly was a sign, a messenger from Heaven as white as Noah’s dove. Even those sceptical ones who declined to recognise a divine instrument knew that butterflies travel little distance from the dry land, and were raised by cautious hope.
Product details
- Publisher : Vintage; Reprint edition (June 13, 2017)
- Language : English
- Paperback : 288 pages
- ISBN-10 : 110187337X
- ISBN-13 : 978-1101873373
- Item Weight : 1.4 pounds
- Dimensions : 6.8 x 1 x 8.6 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #525,882 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #76 in Individual Artist Essays
- #1,531 in Arts & Photography Criticism
- #2,517 in Art History (Books)
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About the author
Julian Barnes is the author of nine novels, including Metroland, Flaubert's Parrot, A History of the World in 10 ½ Chapters, England, England and Arthur and George, and two collections of short stories, Cross Channel and The Lemon Table.
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As a novelist, Barnes has an eye for the telling personal detail: Delacroix in a daze walking home to a house he had moved out of two years earlier; Courbet drinking himself into obesity and death; Cézanne losing his temper with a fidgety sitter. He compares Courbet to Fantin-Latour in terms of their portrayals of the community of artists, and Degas to Bonnard in terms of their attitudes to women; his entry into the proto-Surrealist work of Redon is the question of whether it matters if an artist is married. Littérateur that he is, Barnes also has an ear for what other writers have said about these artists: Maxime Du Camp describing Delacroix sorting skeins of wool; Baudelaire telling Manet "you are only the first in the degeneration of your art"; Huysmans' brilliant description of a Cézanne still life as "skewed fruit in besotted pottery."
But Barnes' approach is by no means entirely biographical. The Géricault essay, for instance, begins with a detailed description of the wreck of the Medusa and the ordeal of the survivors on the raft. He makes excellent points by considering all the episodes in the story that Géricault did NOT paint. But it is when he considers what he DID paint, that extraordinary group of half-naked figures reaching towards the distant ship, that his writing really takes off. He does something similar again in his second essay on Manet, considering the artist's three versions of "The Execution of the Emperor Maximilian" and its role as a political statement, but nonetheless tying it down to precise analysis of details such as the firing squad's hands and feet: "They are feet settling themselves in for useful work, like when a golfer shuffles for balance in a bunker. You can almost imagine the NCO's pre-execution pep-talk about the importance of getting comfortable, relaxing the feet, then the knees and the hips, pretending you're just out for a day's partridge or woodcock...".
"Fully illustrated in colour throughout" says the jacket flap. This is not true. The color illustrations (two or three per essay) are indeed of excellent quality and printed on thick creamy paper.* But they tend to be details rather than the full picture, and often of works peripheral to the artist's more famous oeuvre. I understand the logic of that: Barnes gives you the things that are hard to find, knowing that you can turn to the internet for the rest. I found myself reading with iPad by my side, not only reminding myself of the masterpieces, but also seeking out things that I had never even heard of until Barnes mentioned them. For example Akseli Gallen-Kallela's "Symposium" (1894), "a Munchishly hallucinatory group portrait set at the Kämp Hotel in Helsinki after much drink has been taken." Interesting in that one of stupefied figures is the composer Jean Sibelius, but also because one side of the picture is taken up by "a pair of deep-red raptor's wings. The Mystery of Art has just called in on them, but is now flying away." Barnes' art criticism, like his stories, is full of unexpected trouvailles like that. But the heart of all his essays is his invocation of masterpiece after masterpiece, in words so full of visual detail that you almost do not need the physical reproductions. Almost, but not quite: for only when you look at the pictures do you realize just how right Barnes is, time after time.
======
I originally wrote the above review (and awarded the five-star rating) when I was halfway through, after the essay on Bonnard. I was not surprised by its quality; Barnes is deeply immersed in the French nineteenth century. Reading on, though, I have to admit that my interest dropped off. Although still full of good observations, the later essays did not always achieve that miraculous balance between art, personality, and history. The essay on Vuillard seemed to miss the man; the one on Vallotton failed to convince about the genius; the piece on Oldenburg gave no good reason why it had been written at all; and the article on Lucian Freud succeeded only in conveying the impression of a very unpleasant individual. But even at the end, there were joys. His piece entitled "So does it become Art?" is Barnes at his best, taking an out-of-the-way subject -- plaster casts of dead bodies in 19th-century France and in our own time -- and deriving some very pertinent questions about the nature of art. And in the last essay of all, "Words for H.H.", Barnes does more for his old friend Howard Hodgkin than for any other artist in the book, by admitting to the limitations of words, and sketching a dance of friendship instead -- and by linking him to his great love of over a century before, the novelist Gustave Flaubert. So to the last line in the book: "So that's enough words." No more are needed.
*My comments on the paper, printing, and quality of the reproductions apply to the British edition. I cannot speak to the American one, which appears to be in a rather different format.
True, but there is still work to do for a writer and art lover like Barnes. He gives us a sense of the evolution of art, his essays are pinpointing markers if you will, to help determine "good" art (likely to be meaningful to future generations) from "bad art" (momentarily popular, soon to be forgotten). What I find particularly intriguing is his personal list of artists that will endure the challenge of time, marking their century: "When the future looks back at the second half of the twentieth century in Britain, it will surely see it as a period dominated by painters: Bacon, Freud, Hockney,Hodgkin, Riley (and Caulfield, Auerbach, Hitchens, Aitchinson, Uglow).
My only regret is that Barnes did not spread his net wider, to include, say, American or German painters of the same period. But at least his position vis a vis contemporary art is both coherent and sensible...
A footnote: Although it may be an instance of the piece that strays, the short essay "So does it become art?" is one of those original and brilliant excursions at which Barnes shines. This is the one I marked for reference.
These essays should encourage everyone to pay attention to pictures. As a devoted Kindle reader, I enjoy reading Barns more now because his generosity with language is immediately and thoroughly accessible. I usually got peeved at authors who tossed "foreign," obscure and classical language around like peanuts to squirrels.
I never greatly enjoyed art criticism, finding it too self-engaged, until I found Barnes's treatment of Gericault in his History of the World. There's nothing else quite as all-encompassing here (the chapter is repeated as an opening salvo), but the cultured tone of an interesting and interested person pointing out interesting things is everywhere.
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He begins with an extended version of the essay on Géricault’s “The Raft of the Medusa” he first published in “A History of the World in 10½ Chapters”. He begins by giving us the historical facts of the sufferings of the castaways in 1816; then he discusses what elements of the story Géricault decided not to include in the painting and those he did, and where, both for emotional and for compositional reasons, he departed from that story.
The second chapter is about Delacroix, whom the world sees as a great Romantic painter, but who defined himself, for all his rivalry with Ingres, as “a purely classical artist”, suspicious of innovations in art, aiming in his personal life for tranquillity, not for the passions; crustily conservative in his social views; a complex man full of contradictions.
On the other hand Courbet, an arrogant and self-advertising rebel, “had the egomania of the true Romantic”, and his life and some of his works are well analyzed.
The chapter on Manet discusses a 2011 exhibition in Paris which deliberately showed several paintings of his that are little known - though they can be found on Google Images. Then Barnes discusses the National Gallery exhibition of 1993 which focussed entirely on Manet’s “The Execution of Maximilian”, whose three versions are compared in minute detail.
Even less well-known than the Manets in the 2011 exhibition are four canvasses by Fantin-Latour, showing groups of sombrely-dressed writers, painters and musicians - 34 altogether - without any of these artists communicating with each other. Barnes credits Bridget Alsdorf’s study of this set with the explanation for this lack of communication.
Among the aperçus about Cézanne: “His portraits are all still lives”, while Kandinsky wrote of him that “he raised still life to such a point that it ceased to be inanimate”.
The chapter on Degas begins with the quotations from many critics that he hated women, was very likely impotent, and he reacted to them with “a mixture of voyeurism and abhorrence”. Barnes won’t have any of this: of course, he says, every painter has to be a voyeur, but he can see no abhorrence - only a fascination with the movements as a woman bathes, dries herself or combs her hair.
The chapter on Odilon Redon begins with a discussion of whether artists believed that marriage helped or hindered them: Redon believed the former. But for the rest of the chapter you will have to be a specialist or else to spend a lot of time on Google Images to follow Barnes’ prolific references to the works of this hugely prolific artist - but it is worth the effort: his interpretation of the haunting images he discusses are fascinating.
Most people will know Bonnard through some of the 385 paintings Bonnard made of his wife Marthe, though we do not get from them any feeling about what Marthe was actually like. He himself said that “a figure should be a part of the background against which it is placed”, so, present though she always is, she is subordinate to the often daring composition with its unusual perspectives. We also learn a good deal about Bonnard’s landscape paintings.
In the chapter on Vuillard, Barnes protests against some of his paintings having been re-named “to tell a story”, whereas his original titles implied that the story was not what mattered, but rather something more abstract - composition, colour etc. But his later, commissioned, portraits are of course more specific in their reference. Barnes is quite judgmental about these later paintings, praising some as great and dismissing others, sometimes without giving reasons, as failures - in one case even as kitsch. Once again, I was led by him to look at many images which were unfamiliar to me.
Same again with Vallotton, of whom Barnes himself was ignorant until he visited a gallery in Baltimore in the 1990s - there is only a single Vallotton in Britain. We learn about his life; and again a visit to Google Images will show the range and individual character of his work, and will enable you to decide whether you agree or disagree with Barnes’ positive and negative evaluations of it.
Barnes is a great admirer of Braque: for his human and artistic integrity, his modesty, his laconicism, his knowledge of his own limitations; and there is an excellent account of his relationship with Picasso - in every way his opposite - after the latter had moved on from their joint development of Cubism.
I found the shortish chapter on Magritte rather obscure (and did not know that during the Second World War he had a period of Impressionism).
Oldenburg’s work is next: it may be fun, but that’s all. That leads to a chapter entitled “So Does It Become Art?” Is a plaster cast art? Photography? Barnes believes it is if it “engages the mind and the heart”.
The powerful chapter on Lucian Freud is concerned mostly with the artist’s character, “imperious in his perversity”, and with the role it played in his portraits.
Finally a piece about Barnes’ friend Howard Hodgkin: it takes the form of jottings, and, while it gives some picture of Hodgkin’s personality, as far as his art is concerned I found it the least illuminating of the chapters. But then Barnes admits “I do not know how to put his pictures into words” - and Hodgkin himself, though he has given suggestive names to his abstract paintings, “doesn’t want to talk about his own pictures, let alone ‘explain’ them.” Barnes quotes his beloved Flaubert: “Explaining one artistic form [painting] by another [writing] is a monstrosity”. Well, in the other essays Barnes has done just that - and to such good effect, too. But he concludes, perhaps chastened, “So that’s enough words.”