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Tyranny of the Minority: Why American Democracy Reached the Breaking Point Hardcover – September 12, 2023

by Steven Levitsky (Author), Daniel Ziblatt (Author)

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NEW YORK TIMES BESTSELLER • A call to reform our antiquated political institutions before it’s too late—from the authors of How Democracies Die

“[Levitsky and Ziblatt] write with terrifying clarity about how the forces of the right have co-opted the enshrined rules to exert their tyranny.”—The Washington Post

ONE OF THE CALIFORNIA REVIEW OF BOOKS’ TEN BEST BOOKS OF THE YEAR • A NEWSWEEK BEST BOOK OF THE YEAR

America is undergoing a massive experiment: It is moving, in fits and starts, toward a multiracial democracy, something few societies have ever done. But the prospect of change has sparked an authoritarian backlash that threatens the very foundations of our political system. Why is democracy under assault here, and not in other wealthy, diversifying nations? And what can we do to save it?

With the clarity and brilliance that made their first book, How Democracies Die, a global bestseller, Harvard professors Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt offer a coherent framework for understanding these volatile times. They draw on a wealth of examples—from 1930s France to present-day Thailand—to explain why and how political parties turn against democracy. They then show how our Constitution makes us uniquely vulnerable to attacks from within: It is a pernicious enabler of minority rule, allowing partisan minorities to consistently thwart and even rule over popular majorities. Most modern democracies—from Germany and Sweden to Argentina and New Zealand—have eliminated outdated institutions like elite upper chambers, indirect elections, and lifetime tenure for judges. The United States lags dangerously behind.

In this revelatory book, Levitsky and Ziblatt issue an urgent call to reform our politics. It’s a daunting task, but we have remade our country before—most notably, after the Civil War and during the Progressive Era. And now we are at a crossroads: America will either become a multiracial democracy or cease to be a democracy at all.

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From the Publisher

Our institutions will not save our democracy. We will have to save it ourselves.

Editorial Reviews

Review

“A minority of voters can now inflict a legislative wallop of racism, sexism, nativism, homophobia, transphobia, and economic misery on the rest of us—and never have to pay for it at the polls. This is the ‘tyranny of the minority’ that Levitsky and Ziblatt rightly fear. No lawless strongman or populist autocracy, it’s a product of the very Constitution that we have been taught to admire.”—The New Yorker

“Why has American democracy come so close to a breaking point while other Western democracies appear more stable? In this sobering study, Levitsky and Ziblatt blame the United States’ eighteenth-century constitutional order for its modern democratic woes.”—Foreign Affairs

“[Daniel] Ziblatt and [Steven] Levitsky are two of America’s very best comparative political scientists, with expertise that makes them uniquely well-equipped for the subject they’re examining. . . . Tyranny of the Minority is one of the best guides out there to the crisis of American democracy.”—Vox

“Excellent . . . Levitsky and Ziblatt distinguish themselves by the clarity and scope of their account. For a one-stop-shop foray into the problem of America’s outlier status among democratic systems and the challenges of reform, Tyranny of the Minority cannot be beat.”—The New Republic

“In their exceptionally perceptive and wide-ranging new book, Tyranny of the Minority, Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt document the rapid unravelling of democracy in nations from Peru to Thailand, Third Republic France to Viktor Orbán’s Hungary.”—The Times Literary Supplement

“In their must-read book, Tyranny of the Minority, Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt cogently explain that Republicans, unable to appeal to a broader share of the electorate beyond diminishing numbers of White, rural Christians, have found ways to exploit, abuse and, indeed, break majority governance.”—Jennifer Rubin, The Washington Post

“Crisply argued.”—The American Prospect

“Concise, readable, and convincing.”—Anne Applebaum, author of Twilight of Democracy

“Levitsky and Ziblatt’s research shows with bleak clarity that the only thing standing between America and autocracy is the moral conscience and democratic ideals of the Republican partners of this government.”—New York magazine

“Eye-opening.”—Newsweek

“Old democracies tend to last, and so do rich democracies, Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt point out in this searing, unsettling, and essential new book, but American democracy, which is both old and rich, is dying.”—Jill Lepore, author of These Truths

“To their credit, they offer no easy solutions, but Levitsky and Ziblatt challenge us to use our voices and our votes to push back against these inherently antidemocratic features of our endangered republic.”—Laurence H. Tribe, University Professor of Constitutional Law Emeritus, Harvard

“This eye-opening study, filled with analysis of analogous historical moments from around the world, is an essential primer in the struggle for democracy this century.”—Rep. Jamie Raskin, author of Unthinkable

About the Author

Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt are professors of government at Harvard University and the authors of the New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, which won the Goldsmith Book Prize, was shortlisted for the Lionel Gelber Prize, and was named one of the best books of the year by The Washington Post, Time, and Foreign Affairs.

Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.

Chapter 1

Fear of Losing

On the evening of October 30, 1983, as the votes were being counted in Argentina’s first democratic election in a decade, Peronists who gathered in their Buenos Aires campaign bunker were in a state of shock. “When do the votes from the industrial belt come in?” party leaders asked nervously. But the votes were already in. For the first time ever, the Peronists—Argentina’s working-class party—had lost a free election.

“We didn’t see it coming,” recalls Mario Wainfeld, then a young lawyer and Peronist activist. The Peronists had been Argentina’s dominant party since Juan Perón, a former military officer, first won the presidency back in 1946. Perón was a talented populist figure who built Argentina’s welfare state and quadrupled the size of its labor movement, earning the deep loyalty of the working class. Those loyalties persisted even after he was overthrown in a military coup in 1955 and exiled from the country for eighteen years. Even though Peronism was banned for much of the next two decades, the movement not only survived but remained a force at the polls—winning every national election in which it was allowed to compete. And when an aging Perón was allowed to return and run for president in 1973, he won easily, with 62 percent of the vote. He died a year later, however, and in 1976, Argentina fell prey to another coup and descended into a seven-year military dictatorship.

Still, when democracy returned in 1983, just about everybody expected the Peronist candidate, Italo Luder, to prevail.

But much had changed in Argentina. Perón was gone, and industrial decline had destroyed hundreds of thousands of blue-collar jobs, decimating Peronism’s working-class base. At the same time, younger and middle-class voters were turned off by Peronism’s old guard union bosses, and as Argentina emerged from a brutal military dictatorship, most of them preferred Raúl Alfonsín, the human-rights-oriented candidate of the rival Radical Civic Union. Peronist leaders had lost touch with Argentine voters. They made the problem worse by choosing some thuggish and out-of-touch candidates. Their gubernatorial candidate in the all-important province of Buenos Aires, Herminio Iglesias, was known for his shoot-outs with rival Peronist factions during the violent 1970s. At the Peronists’ final campaign rally two days before the election, Iglesias stood prominently on center stage, on live national television, and burned a casket with the symbol of Alfonsín’s Radical Civic Union—a violent act that most Argentines, having just suffered through a decade of terrifying repression, found appalling.

When early results showed Alfonsín ahead in the 1983 race, Peronist leaders, searching desperately for explanations, briefly fell into a state of denial. “They still haven’t counted the votes from La Matanza” (a working-class Peronist bastion outside Buenos Aires), party boss Lorenzo Miguel insisted. The Peronist vice presidential candidate, Deolindo Bittel, even accused the election authorities of withholding the results from working-class neighborhoods. By midnight, however, it was clear that these hidden votes simply didn’t exist. Peronists have a saying: “The only truth is reality.” And the reality was that they had lost.

Defeat was hard to swallow. Party leaders, licking their wounds, initially hid from the press. But none of them considered rejecting the results. The next day, the losing Peronist candidate Luder joined President-elect Alfonsín in a press conference and congratulated him. When reporters asked Luder about Peronism’s historic defeat, he replied, “All politicians have to live with the fact that elections can produce . . . unexpected results.”

After the election, Peronists plunged into a heated internal debate over the party’s future. A new faction, known as the Renovación (Renewal), called for the resignation of the established party leadership, arguing that Peronism would have to adapt to changes in Argentine society if it wanted to win again. The party needed to broaden its base and find a way to reach middle-class voters who had been repulsed by the casket-burning Peronism of 1983. Though derided by internal critics as “jacket-and-tie Peronists,” the Renewal leaders eventually succeeded in sidelining Peronism’s rough-edged old guard, jettisoning many of its backward-looking ideas, and improving the party’s image among middle-class voters. Peronism won the next two presidential elections handily.

This is how democracy should work. As the political scientist Adam Przeworski memorably put it, “Democracy is a system in which parties lose elections.” Losing hurts, but in a democracy it is inevitable. And when it happens, parties must do what the Peronists did: accept defeat, go home, and then figure out how to win a majority in the next election.

The norm of accepting defeat and peacefully relinquishing power is the foundation of modern democracy. On March 4, 1801, the United States became the first republic in history to experience an electoral transfer of power from one political party to another. On that day, the incumbent president, John Adams, a leader of America’s founding Federalist Party, quietly left Washington, D.C., by carriage before dawn. President-elect Thomas Jefferson of the rival Democratic-Republican Party, the man who had defeated Adams in the 1800 election, was inaugurated in the U.S. Senate chambers several hours later.

This transition was indispensable to the new republic’s survival. But it was neither inevitable nor easy. In 1800, the norm of accepting defeat and handing power to one’s opponent had not yet taken hold. The very existence of partisan opposition was regarded as illegitimate. Politicians, including many of the founders, equated it with sedition and even treason. And since no transfer of power had ever taken place before, it was hard to imagine that the opposition would reciprocate in future elections. Handing over power was a “plunge into the unknown.”

The transition was especially difficult for the Federalists, who suffered from what might be called the “founders’ dilemma”: in order for a new political system to take hold, its founders must accept the fact that they don’t get to call the shots forever. As designers of the Constitution and inheritors of George Washington’s legacy, Federalist leaders like Adams and Alexander Hamilton considered themselves the rightful stewards of the new republic. They viewed their own interests and the nation’s interests as one and the same, and they recoiled at the thought of yielding power to untested challengers.

The emergence of the Democratic-Republicans, America’s first opposition party, thus challenged the stability of the new nation. Democratic-Republican societies had originally sprung up in Pennsylvania and other states in 1793. The movement soon morphed into a genuine opposition, under the leadership of Jefferson and James Madison. The Democratic-Republicans broke with the Federalists on many leading issues of the day, including economic policy, public debt, and above all matters of war and peace. They regarded the Federalists as quasi-monarchists (“monocrats”) and worried that Adams’s diplomatic overtures to Great Britain constituted a covert effort to restore British rule to America.

Many Federalists viewed the Democratic-Republicans in turn, as nothing less than traitors. They suspected them of being sympathetic to France’s revolutionary government—at a time when mounting U.S.–French hostilities posed a real threat of war. The Federalists feared that Republican “domestic enemies” would aid a French invasion. These fears were reinforced by slave revolts in the South. Federalists charged that slave rebellions—such as Gabriel’s Rebellion in Virginia in mid-1800—were inspired by Republicans and their ideology as part of what Federalist newspapers called the “true French plan.”

At first, the Federalists tried to destroy their opponents. In 1798, Congress passed the Alien and Sedition Acts, which were used to jail Democratic-Republican politicians and newspaper editors who criticized the federal government. The acts further polarized the country. Virginia and Kentucky declared them null and void in their territories, which the Federalists viewed as sedition. Seeing Virginia’s behavior as part of a “conspiracy” to aid France, Hamilton called on the Adams administration to raise a “sound military force” that could be “drawn towards Virginia.” In response, Virginia’s state legislature began to arm its own militia.

The specter of violence—even civil war—hung over the young republic on the eve of the 1800 election. Mutual distrust, fueled by partisan animosity, imperiled prospects for a peaceful transfer of power. As the historian James Sharp put it, “Federalists and Republicans were willing to believe that their opponents were capable of virtually any action, no matter how treacherous, or violent, in order to gain or retain power.”

Product details

Publisher ‏ : ‎ Crown (September 12, 2023)
Language ‏ : ‎ English
Hardcover ‏ : ‎ 384 pages
ISBN-10 ‏ : ‎ 0593443071
ISBN-13 ‏ : ‎ 978-0593443071
Item Weight ‏ : ‎ 1.14 pounds
Dimensions ‏ : ‎ 5.75 x 1.2 x 8.5 inches

Best Sellers Rank: #9,123 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #11 in Civics & Citizenship (Books)
- #12 in Democracy (Books)
- #187 in World History (Books)

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Steven Levitsky
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Steven Levitsky is a Professor of Government at Harvard University. Levitsky’s research focuses on Latin America and the developing world. He is the author of Competitive Authoritarianism and is the recipient of numerous teaching awards. Levitsky has written for Vox and The New York Times, among other publications.
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Daniel Ziblatt
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Daniel Ziblatt is a Professor of Government at Harvard University and director of the "Transformation of Democracy" group at Berlin's Social Science Center (Germany). He is co-author of Tyranny of the Minority (2023), How Democracies Die (2018), Conservative Parties and the Birth of Democracy (2017), and Structuring the State: The Formation of Italy, Germany, and the Puzzle of Federalism (2006). He can be found on twitter @dziblatt
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Raymond L. Niblock

A prescription for changing our Constitution to make our democracy more democratic.

Reviewed in the United States on February 16, 2024

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**A Masterful Analysis of American Democracy's Flaws and Fixes**

In "Tyranny of the Minority: Why American Democracy Reached the Breaking Point," the authors offer a lucid, penetrating examination of the systemic issues plaguing American democracy. This meticulously researched book lays bare the anti-democratic elements entrenched within the U.S. Constitution and our unique "American" political culture that have, over time, eroded the foundational principles of equality and representation.

The authors, with their profound academic expertise and astute analysis, make a compelling case for urgent reforms. They argue convincingly for term limits for Supreme Court judges, a reformation of the Senate, the expansion of Congress, and the implementation of true proportional representation. These reforms are presented not as mere adjustments but as necessary steps to realign the nation's democratic mechanisms with the ideals of a modern, equitable society.

What sets this book apart is not just the clarity of its argumentation but the depth of historical context and forward-looking perspective it provides. The authors dissect how anti-democratic efforts have led to a concentration of power that stifles the majority's will, effectively making a case that the current moment is not just a crisis but an inflection point for substantive change.

The proposed reforms, such as reimagining the Senate to reflect a more equitable representation rather than equal state representation, and the elimination of the filibuster, are but an example of such reforms.

"Tyranny of the Minority" is a clarion call to those who value democracy. The book does not just critique; it offers a roadmap for reform, grounded in a deep understanding of the American political fabric and a visionary outlook for its potential transformation.

This book is an essential read for policymakers, political enthusiasts, and anyone concerned about the future of American democracy. It challenges us to look beyond the status quo and envision a democracy that reflects the will and diversity of its people. The authors have not only diagnosed the ailments of our political system but have also provided thoughtful, bold prescriptions for healing it.

In conclusion, "Tyranny of the Minority" is a profound contribution to the discourse on American democracy. It is a testament to the authors' scholarly rigor and their commitment to democratic ideals. This book is more than just an academic treatise; it is a compelling argument for hope, change, and the relentless pursuit of a more perfect union.

20 people found this helpful

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Paul Frandano

Essential for 2024

Reviewed in the United States on April 9, 2024

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Levitsky and Ziplatt's valuable argument and recommendations should find their way into the hands of Joe Biden's campaign. POTUS should pull from the book themes, ideas, and the authors' evaluation of the perils of a Trump administration, and take them with him on the campaign trail. Fear and loathing should not be the menu. TFG's own words and behavior (including his disgusting salacious conversations involving aspects of his daughters anatomy and TFG's musings on "if I were single") to underscore his unfitness not for just the Presidency but any other office in which people might depend on him.

Use this book, Mr. President. Use articulate surrogates to carry the message far and wide. Constitutional change must come, not through force but fairly. Together with the authors' earlier book, How Democracies Die, Levitsky and Ziplatt's words can be valuable, well thought-out means of undressing the GOP candidate to reveal a suit that's empty of all value except his vain, vile, ugly, vengeful politics.

5 people found this helpful

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Cory and Ashley Colby

Excellent Book Highly Recommend

Reviewed in the United States on April 15, 2024

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Insightful. Informed. Intriguing.
The historical aspects that juxtapose with so much of what we are seeing now in our own society makes sure that readers can't just say that the authors are for or against any group. There are definite echos of the worst times in the world's history where democracies stumbled and then collapsed becoming more clearly defined in the United States today.
The book is approachable and serves those who are looking to understand what is happening in our modern democratic structures and our society, especially if they have a mind to try to do something about it that would help to thwart an eventual decline into autocratic rule.

4 people found this helpful

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Ted C.

Important book

Reviewed in the United States on November 14, 2023

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This is a must read. Warning for innocent voters who do not ow how politics actually work.

14 people found this helpful

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dustygums

Take Time to Pause and Think

Reviewed in the United States on April 30, 2024

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Don't dismiss this book as a "liberal diatribe", but give it an honest evaluation of how history has shown the demise of democracies around the world and where the United States is at the current time, politically. It encourages political leaders to actively seek compromise and cooperation across the aisle.

2 people found this helpful

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JERRY GONZALEZ

GOOD

Reviewed in the United States on April 27, 2024

AAA+++

Teach American and World History

Reviewed in the United States on March 6, 2024

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The two professors have done a phenomenal job describing how the U.S. is at the breaking point for an inclusive citizenry. This book underscores the need to teach civics at elementary, middle school, high school, and college. We, in the U.S. don't know our history and we constantly doomed to repeat the past. The professors show how we can bring about reform in order to have multiracial and inclusive democracy.

4 people found this helpful

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Randall M.

Important and necessary

Reviewed in the United States on March 17, 2024

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Necessary read for those who remain mystified why a minority gains and holds power at the expense of the majority. Offers a prescription to correct this imbalance.

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Top reviews from other countries

ZeevK

A valuable analysis, everyone should read, but…

Reviewed in France on September 27, 2023

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I read the entire book within days of its publication. It is mostly an easy read, but their subject is complex and inevitably some sections are more complex than others. Their analysis of our nation’s pluses and minuses as a democracy are convincing. Their use of relevant comparisons to other nations should make clear to anyone willing to learn, the serious deficits in our Constitution and in our overall political system. This aspect of the book is a masterful contribution that should leave readers with a clear comprehension of historical and contemporary factors that have seriously vitiated efforts to further democratize our nation.
The authors end their book with a series of recommendations for how we, citizens, can effect changes that may result in “modernizing” our democracy, so that we are no longer laggards when compared to other nations which have taken necessary steps to empower their citizens in ways that have overcome various factors which have stood in the way of changing various aspects of our political/cultural life which are currently allowing for progress to be stymied by relatively small numbers of Conservative voters and politicians.
Though I’m sure the authors will disagree, I believe their failure to provide any sort of detailed discussion of the powerful impact of billionaires on our politics, or of the changes created by social media, and the development of artificial intelligence, strike me as being problems inadequately dealt with in their chapter explaining how we can “correct” the multiple problems currently afflicting our democracy.
The power of social media, and perhaps of even greater importance the newly developed prominence of Artificial Intelligence present problems of a significantly different order than any that have previously existed. Hopefully, we will eventually develop ways to curb the potential dangers they present if/when misused, but that remains to be seen. It is understandable if the authors consider detailed discussion of these issues are better left to a future book.

Charles Olson

Defining the imbalance

Reviewed in Japan on December 2, 2023

Verified Purchase

This book explores and examines the imbalance in the American democracy , providing numbers, issues and comparisons with other democracy. Anybody who has lived through the last 25 years should know there is need for change. Stating with getting rid of the electoral college, something that came close to happening in the past. This book should be read and spread.

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