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Thomas Jefferson and the Tripoli Pirates: The Forgotten War That Changed American History Paperback – October 18, 2016
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When Thomas Jefferson became president in 1801, America was deeply in debt, with its economy and dignity under attack. Pirates from North Africa’s Barbary Coast routinely captured American merchant ships and held the sailors as slaves, demanding ransom and tribute payments far beyond what the new country could afford.
For fifteen years, America had tried to work with the four Muslim powers (Tripoli, Tunis, Algiers, and Morocco) driving the piracy, but negotiation proved impossible. Realizing it was time to stand up to the intimidation, Jefferson decided to move beyond diplomacy. He sent the U.S. Navy and Marines to blockade Tripoli—launching the Barbary Wars and beginning America’s journey toward future superpower status.
Few today remember these men and other heroes who inspired the Marine Corps hymn: “From the Halls of Montezuma to the Shores of Tripoli, we fight our country’s battles in the air, on land and sea.” Thomas Jefferson and the Tripoli Pirates recaptures this forgotten war that changed American history with a real-life drama of intrigue, bravery, and battle on the high seas.
- Print length272 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherSentinel
- Publication dateOctober 18, 2016
- Dimensions0.8 x 5.5 x 8.3 inches
- ISBN-100143129430
- ISBN-13978-0143129431
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Editorial Reviews
Review
—BRAD MELTZER, bestselling author of The President’s Shadow
“Reads like a fast-paced thriller but is actually a thoughtful account of America’s first foray into what has become a complex part of the world.”
—GENERAL STANLEY MCCHRYSTAL (Ret.), author of Team of Teams
“This is a well-told tale, and there are lessons aplenty about both diplomacy and warfare—with useful application to the challenges the United States faces in our own time.”
—PROFESSOR LARRY J. SABATO, director of the University of Virginia Center for Politics; author of The Kennedy Half-Century
“A fascinating story of extraordinary courage and resolve, and a brilliant reminder of an early chapter of our country’s remarkable history.”
—DONALD RUMSFELD
About the Author
Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.
Americans Abroad
It is not probable the American States will have a very free trade in the Mediterranean . . . the Americans cannot protect themselves [as] they cannot pretend to [have] a Navy.
-John Baker-Holroyd, Lord Sheffield, Observations of the Commerce of the American States, 1783
In 1785, the same year Richard O'Brien was captured by pirates, Thomas Jefferson learned that all politics, even transatlantic politics, are personal.
He was a widower. The passing of his wife in September 1782 had left him almost beyond consolation, and what little comfort he found was in the company of his daughter Martha, then age ten. The two would take "melancholy rambles" around the large plantation, seeking to evade the grief that haunted them. When Jefferson was offered the appointment as American minister to France, he accepted because he saw an opportunity to escape the sadness that still shadowed him.
Thomas Jefferson had sailed for Europe in the summer of 1784 with Martha at his side; once they reached Paris, he enrolled his daughter in a convent school with many other well-born English-speaking students. There he would be able to see her regularly, but he had been forced to make a more difficult decision regarding Martha's two sisters. Mary, not yet six, and toddler Lucy Elizabeth, both too young to travel with him across the sea, had been left behind with their "Aunt Eppes," his late wife's half sister. The separation was painful, but it was nothing compared with the new heartbreak he experienced just months into his Paris stay when Mrs. Eppes wrote sadly to say that "hooping cough" had taken the life of two-year-old Lucy.
As a fresh wave of sorrow rolled over him, Jefferson longed for "Polly the Parrot," as he affectionately called his bright and talkative Mary, to join his household again. The father wrote to his little girl that he and her sister "cannot live without you" and asked her if she would like to join them across the ocean. He promised that joining them in France meant she would learn "to play on the harpsichord, to draw, to dance, to read and talk French."
"I long to see you, and hope that you . . . are well," the now seven-year-old replied. But she added that she had no desire to make the trip, harpsichord or no harpsichord. "I don't want to go to France," she stated plainly. "I had rather stay with Aunt Eppes."
Jefferson was undaunted and began to plan for her safe travel. Having already lost two dear family members, he did not want to risk losing Polly and looked for ways to reduce the dangers of the journey. He instructed her uncle, Francis Eppes, to select a proven ship for Polly's crossing. "The vessel should have performed one [transatlantic] voyage at least," Jefferson ordered, "and must not be more than four or five years old." He worried about the weather and insisted that his daughter travel in the warm months to avoid winter storms. As for supervision, Polly could make the journey, Jefferson advised, "with some good lady passing from America to France, or even England [or] . . . a careful gentleman."
Yet an even more intimidating concern worried Jefferson: more frightening than weather or leaky ships was the threat of pirates off North Africa, a region known as the Barbary Coast. The fate of the Dauphin and the Maria was a common one for ships venturing near the area, where the Sahara's arid coast was divided into four nation-states. Running west to east were the Barbary nations Morocco, Algiers, Tunis, and Tripoli, which all fell under the ultimate authority of the Ottoman Empire, seated in present-day Turkey.
The Islamic nations of the Barbary Coast had preyed upon foreign shipping for centuries, attacking ships in international waters both in the Mediterranean and along the northwest coast of Africa and the Iberian peninsula. Even such naval powers as France and Great Britain were not immune, though they chose to deal with the problem by paying annual tributes of "gifts" to Barbary leaders-bribes paid to the Barbary states to persuade the pirates to leave merchant ships from the paying countries alone. But the prices were always changing, and the ships of those nations that did not meet the extortionate demands were not safe from greedy pirates.
To the deeply rational Jefferson, the lawless pirates posed perhaps the greatest danger to his sadly diminished family. He knew what had happened to O'Brien and could not risk a similar fate for his child. As he confided in a letter to brother-in-law Francis Eppes, "My anxieties on this subject could induce me to endless details. . . . The Algerines this fall took two vessels from us and now have twenty-two of our citizens in slavery." The plight of the men aboard the Maria and the Dauphin haunted him-if their hellish incarceration was terrifying to contemplate, "who can estimate . . . the fate of a child? My mind revolts at the possibility of a capture," Jefferson wrote. "Unless you hear from myself-not trusting the information of any other person on earth-that peace is made with the Algerines, do not send her but in a vessel of French or English property; for these vessels alone are safe from prize by the barbarians." He knew those two countries paid a very high annual tribute, thereby purchasing safe passage for their vessels.
As a father, he could feel in his bones a fear for his daughter's safety. As an ambassador and an American, Jefferson recognized it was a fear no citizen of a free nation embarking on an oceanic voyage should have to endure.
A Meeting of Ministers
A few months later, in March 1786, Jefferson would make his way to London to meet with his good friend John Adams. Together they hoped to figure out how to deal with the emerging threat to American interests.
His waistline thickening, his chin growing jowly, fifty-year-old John Adams welcomed Jefferson into his London home. Overlooking the tree-lined Grosvenor Square from the town house Adams had rented, the two men sat down to talk in the spacious drawing room.
Adams was the United States' first ambassador to Great Britain. Just arrived from Paris after a cold and blustery six-day journey, Jefferson was minister to the French government of Louis XVI. To Adams and his wife, Abigail, their old friend looked different, as Jefferson had begun powdering his ginger hair white. The stout New Englander and the tall, lean, forty-two-year-old Virginian might have been of different breeds-but then, in the years to come, they would often be of two minds in their political thinking as well.
Unlike most of the European diplomats they encountered, neither Adams nor Jefferson had been born into a tradition of diplomatic decorum. Adams was a rough-and-tumble lawyer, the son of a yeoman farmer from south of Boston, known for a damn-all attitude of speaking his mind. A man of quiet natural grace, Jefferson was learning the cosmopolitan ways of Paris but, at heart, he was a well-born country boy, heir to large farms outside Charlottesville, a tiny courthouse town in central Virginia. Both men were novices in the game of international negotiation, a game their country needed them to learn quickly.
When the Americans and British signed the Treaty of Paris in 1783, bringing to an end the Revolution, the United States' legal status changed in the view of every nation and world leader. No longer under British protection, the fledgling nation found that its status was lowly indeed. Adams's letters to the British government tended to go unanswered, and Jefferson's attempts to negotiate trade treaties with France and Spain were going nowhere. Now a more hostile international threat was rearing its head, and Adams had summoned Jefferson from Paris to discuss the danger posed by the "piratical nations" of North Africa.
In earlier days, the colonies' ships had enjoyed the protection offered by the Union Jack; but because U.S. ships no longer carried British passports, the British navy provided no protection against pirates. The French, America's wartime allies against the British, did not protect them now that there was peace. Americans abroad were very much on their own, especially in international waters. And because America had no navy to protect its interests, insurance for American ships skyrocketed to twenty times the rate of that of European ships.
The expense of insurance was insupportable, but America's economy could not afford to end trade on the high seas; the Revolution had been fought with borrowed money, and repayment of those debts depended upon ongoing international commerce. One key piece of the nation's economic health was trade with southern Europe, accessible only by sailing into the Mediterranean-and within range of the Barbary pirates. According to Jefferson's calculations, a quarter of New England's most important export, dried salt cod, went to markets there, as did one sixth of the country's grain exports. Rice and lumber were also important exports, and the merchant ships provided employment for more than a thousand seamen. The trade and employment were essential to the growing American economy, and John Adams thought the numbers could easily double if a diplomatic solution in the Barbary region could be reached.
The American government had initially approved payment to the North African nations. But the bribes demanded were impossibly high, many hundreds of thousands of dollars when the American treasury could afford only token offerings of a few tens of thousands. In an era when not a single American was worth a million dollars, and Mr. Jefferson's great house, Monticello, was assessed at seventy-five hundred dollars, paying such exorbitant bribes seemed almost incomprehensible. Unable to pay enough to buy the goodwill of the Barbary countries, America was forced to let its ships sail at their own risk. Sailors like those on the Maria and the Dauphin had become pawns in a very dangerous game.
On this day, Adams and Jefferson worried over the fate of the Dauphin and the Maria. It had been nearly a year since the pirates from Algiers had taken the ships and cargoes the previous July, and now the regent of Algiers had made known his demand: until he was paid an exorbitant and, it seemed, ever-escalating ransom, the American captives were to be his slaves.
Despite their pity for the captives, Jefferson and Adams knew the new nation couldn't afford a new war or a new source of debt. They understood that the cost of keeping American ships away from the Barbary Coast would be greater than the cost of addressing the problem. That left the two American ministers, as Jefferson confided to a friend, feeling "absolutely suspended between indignation and impotence."
Yet neither Jefferson nor Adams could afford to remain paralyzed in the face of the danger. Not only had American families and the economy been endangered, but rumor had it that the pirates had also captured a ship carrying the venerable Benjamin Franklin, Jefferson's predecessor as minister to France. (As one of his correspondents wrote to Franklin, "We are waiting with the greatest patience to hear from you. The newspapers have given us anxiety on your account; for some of them insist that you have been taken by the Algerines, while others pretend that you are at Morocco, enduring your slavery with all the patience of a philosopher.") To everyone's relief, the reports proved false, but the scare brought the very real dangers posed by the Barbary pirates too close for comfort.
Sitting in the London house, John Adams and Thomas Jefferson discussed the idea of a negotiation that might break the impasse. Adams had a new reason to hope that the Barbary rulers could be reasoned with, and the two ministers set about deciding upon the right approach.
"Money Is Their God and Mahomet Their Prophet"
A few weeks earlier, Adams had made an unannounced visit to the Barbary state of Tripoli's ambassador, freshly arrived in London. To Adams's surprise, the bearded Sidi Haji Abdrahaman had welcomed him warmly. Seated in front of a roaring fire, with two servants in attendance, they smoked tobacco from great pipes with six-foot-long stems "fit for a Walking Cane." Adams had promptly written to Jefferson. "It is long since I took a pipe, but [we] smoked in awful pomp, reciprocating whiff for whiff . . . until coffee was brought in."
Adams made a strong impression on the Tripolitans. Observing his expertise with the Turkish smoking device, an attendant praised his technique, saying, "Monsieur, vous ?tes un Turk!" ("Sir, you are a Turk!") It was a high compliment.
Abdrahaman returned Adams's visit two days later, and Adams decided his new diplomatic acquaintance was "a benevolent and wise man" with whom the United States could do business. He believed Abdrahaman might help broker an arrangement between the United States and the other Barbary nations, bringing an end to the capture of American merchantmen. Now reunited with his friend and fellow American, he shared his plan with Jefferson and invited him to join the conversation.
On a blustery March day, Adams, Jefferson, and Abdrahaman convened at the house of the Tripolitan envoy. The conversation began in an improvised mix of broken French and Italian, as the Tripolitan envoy spoke little English. The discussion was cordial, and Adams and Jefferson began to believe that a solution was in sight. When the talk turned to money, however, the bubble of optimism soon exploded.
Jefferson had researched the sums paid as tribute by European countries, including Denmark, Sweden, and Portugal, so he knew the going rate. But the gold Abdrahaman demanded that day was beyond the reach of the United States: a perpetual peace with Tripoli would cost some 30,000 English guineas, the equivalent of roughly $120,000, not counting the 10 percent gratuity Abdrahaman demanded for himself. And that amount bought peace with only one of the Barbary states. To buy peace in Tunis would cost another 30,000 guineas, to say nothing of what would be required to pay Morocco or even Algiers, the largest and most powerful of the four. The $80,000 that Congress had been hard-pressed to authorize for an across-the-board understanding was no more than a down payment on what would be needed to meet the Barbary demands.
Although he now despaired of an easy solution, Adams wasn't ready to stop talking. He could understand financial concerns, and he was already beginning to realize what O'Brien would later say of the pirates: "Money is their God and Mahomet their Prophet." Yet greed alone couldn't explain the madness and cruelty of the demands. Unsatisfied, the famously blunt Adams wanted a better answer. While maintaining the best diplomatic reserve he could muster-whatever their frustration, the American ministers could hardly leap to their feet and walk out of the negotiations-Adams asked how the Barbary states could justify "[making] war upon nations who had done them no injury."
Product details
- Publisher : Sentinel; Reprint edition (October 18, 2016)
- Language : English
- Paperback : 272 pages
- ISBN-10 : 0143129430
- ISBN-13 : 978-0143129431
- Item Weight : 9.2 ounces
- Dimensions : 0.8 x 5.5 x 8.3 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #37,623 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #4 in North Africa History
- #48 in Naval Military History
- #109 in US Presidents
- Customer Reviews:
About the authors
Don Yaeger is an award-winning keynote speaker, 11-time New York Times best-selling author, executive coach, and team culture expert.
For the last 30+ years, including his time as Associate Editor of Sports Illustrated magazine, Don has had a front row seat to study the greatest champions of all time.
Don teaches the lessons he's learned from these great champions and team builders to organizations all over the world with live and virtual professional development programs.
To learn more about these programs, and how Don can motivate your team to perform like champions, please visit Don's website at donyaeger.com
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Don Yaeger lives in Tallahassee, FL with his wife Jeanette and their two children Will and Maddie.
Not many broadcasters can say they are on the air for 6 hours a day, 5 days a week, but that is exactly what Brian Kilmeade has been doing since 2006. After joining Fox News in 1997, he was soon named co-host of Fox & Friends, where he still thrives alongside the extraordinarily talented Steve Doocy and Ainsley Earhardt. Together they have powered their way to the top spot in morning cable TV. After Fox & Friends from 6 - 9AM ET. Kilmeade has the privilege of hosting his nationally syndicated radio show, “The Brian Kilmeade Show” on Fox News Talk from 9-12 noon.
Every weekday morning, Kilmeade provides viewers with the latest on the breaking news, sports, politics and entertainment. During his tenure at Fox News, he has developed the ability to interview and provide insight into newsmakers, politicians, celebrities and athletes. On any given day you might see him with former President George W. Bush, Michael Jordan, Simon Cowell, Dwayne “The Rock” Johnson, or supermodel Miranda Kerr. His radio show features many Fox personalities, big names guests and somehow still manages to cover the news of the day with seriousness and a smile.
Brian has written 5 books, 4 of which were New York Times best sellers: ”The Games Do Count”, “It’s How You Play the Game” and more recently, “George Washington’s Secret Six” and “Thomas Jefferson and the Tripoli Pirates” co- written with Don Yaeger. His fifth book “Andrew Jackson and the Miracle of New Orleans” is due out in the fall of 2017, again teaming up with Yaeger with the hope of mirroring their previous success.
Prior to joining FNC, Kilmeade was an anchor/reporter on NEWSPORT TV. While in Los Angeles, he was an anchor on KHSC-TV and a host on all sports radio’s XTRA AM690. His duties on XTRA included co-hosting The Jim Brown Show where he struck up a friendship that still flourishes today. One his first jobs was as a correspondent on Channel One, a daily national high school television news program. Along way, he also managed to fit in 10 years of stand-up comedy experience.
He currently resides in Massapequa, NY where he grew up with his wife and 3 kids. When he is not working, you can often catch him on the soccer field watching or coaching. He graduated from LIU-CW Post with a BA in Communications in 1986 where he also played soccer.
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Even before the Constitution was ratified and the United States of America came to official existence, the Barbary pirates were menacing our vessels. In summer 1785, the American Minister to France, Thomas Jefferson, received a letter from Richard O’Brien, captain of the Dauphin, which had been raided by Algerian pirates two weeks earlier. O’Brien and his crew had been captured and enslaved by the pirates and he was deploring their treatment to Jefferson. The true misery was yet to come. O’Brien would spend 10 years enslaved in Algiers and many of his men would succumb to disease, starvation and overwork. It seemed that was the only escape for any of them.
It was not even two years since America had won their independence from Great Britain. That country and the rest of the world was waiting for the former colonies to fall on their faces. There were no bones to the American government as yet. Constitutional ratification was still three years away and George Washington’s presidency almost four years in the future. Besides the lack of political infrastructure, America had massive debt (the entire war was fought on borrowed money) and an economy that was in the terminal stage of anemia. It needed trade with southern Europe which unfortunately put American vessels directly in the path of the Barbary pirates. Great Britain, France, etc. paid surcharges to Tripoli, Algiers, Morocco, and Tunis to allow safe passage for their vessels. America not only did not have the money for that protection, it had no one authorized to provide it. Because we had no navy and nothing to threaten the pirates with, our insurance rate was about 20 times higher than the others.
For Jefferson, this had a personal aspect as well. His beloved wife had died in 1782, and though he had their eldest daughter, 10-year-old Martha with him in Paris, he wanted to bring 6-year-old Polly over but was terrified of a pirate attack. He instructed his brother-in-law to send her only in a British or French vessel, as both nations paid hefty tributes for safety. Jefferson made a trip to London to confer with John Adams, United States minister to England, about the piracy issue. By this time it was several months after the capture of O’Brien and his men.
Adams and Jefferson went to visit the envoy from Tripoli to discuss release of the captives. Exorbitant sums were discussed, with commissions going to the envoy as well as to other involved in the release. When Adams asked how the government of Tripoli could justify making war on nations which had done them no harm, the envoy replied: “All nations which had not acknowledged the Prophet were sinners, whom it was the right and duty of the faithful to plunder and enslave.” All of the Muslims injured in such incidents were already in their places in paradise, he explained.
The two old friends continued to debate the best approach for the new nation in this regard. Adams was for recommending payment of the bribes, that they simply could not go to war against the pirates. Jefferson argued that building a navy was the way to go, that in the long run it would cost less than paying bribes which were inconsistent and could go up at a moment’s notice. Additionally, the new country simply needed a navy to foster prestige. Still, the two men worked in concert to get O’Brien and his men freed, but nothing they tried succeeded. After five years, the men were still slaves.
Jefferson returned home November 1789 to be greeted with the news that he had appointed Secretary of State by the new President, George Washington. Much had happened in the five years he had been away. Stunned, Jefferson was not sure about accepting the position and retreated to Monticello, where 17-year-old Martha was to be married that winter. After a few weeks, Jefferson decided to accept the position and traveled to the nation’s capital, New York City, to report for duty in March 1789. In his first meeting with Washington, the conversation included the plight of Richard O’Brien and his crew.
Washington was a proponent of neutrality in international affairs and wanted neither a standing army or standing navy. Jefferson spent months preparing two reports to congress, one on O’Brien’s men and one on trade in the Mediterranean. During this time and the time that congress debated the reports, America’s economy was growing, more vessels were making their way to southern Europe. In October 1793 alone ten American vessels were captured, 110 men enslaved. Debate time was over – action was mandatory.
The wheels of congress moved slowly as it began debates on the issue in February 1794. James Madison led the delegation against a navy, fearing it would expand the federal government’s influence and power. Others argued as Jefferson had that the cost of a navy was less than not having one and that the cost of maritime insurance was prohibitively expensive and increasingly almost daily. New England wanted the navy to protect their merchant vessels while the South did not support anything that increased federal power. Finally a compromise was reached to build or buy 6 ships but that construction of them would stop if peace were reached. It took three years before the first ship was launched. Meanwhile, the Barbary pirates continued their plundering. Jefferson had resigned and returned to Monticello a few months before the congressional debates began.
Washington has another term, then John Adams serves four years before Jefferson takes on the presidency. Everything moved at a glacial pace at that time. People, even the president, would receive news about an event weeks or months after it happened and a response would take weeks or months. During the next eight or nine years until Jefferson becomes president, no significant progress is made in the pirate issue. The Muslim countries have no fear or respect for the United States. Under Jefferson, that will finally change.
Kilmeade and Yaeger’s book should be required reading in middle and high schools. This is how history should be written. Their style is straightforward and thoroughly researched. I found it easy to read and completely riveting, even though it is history and I already knew the ending. The authors put human flesh on these legends which served to make me respect them even more. The description of Stephen Decatur’s brilliant decision to blow up the Philadelphia, an American ship that had been run aground in Tripoli Harbor and the execution of that plan is thrilling. Equally exciting is William Eaton’s 500-mile trek through the desert with US Marines and local mercenaries.
I found a new appreciation for the patriotism and code of duty, honor and integrity that men of that period not only professed but lived. I would recommend you buy this book for yourself, read it, then lend it out to everyone you know or buy everyone their own copy. Encourage any children age 12 and older you know to read it. You will love it.
This is a very quick read but well worth the readers time. This book is just around 200 pages which I read in a few hours, but it took me much longer to look up all the places, ship designs and other details the authors described. This book is a foretelling of history that was doomed to be repeated over and over again. I literally couldn't put this book down and when I didn't have it in my hand I would be thinking about what happened. How I could consider that I have been formally educated and yet to have never heard the first word about this part of history is amazing. Other than the marine anthem with the words "from the shores of Tripoli" not a word have I heard about this conflict. This declared war was over shadowed perhaps by the Lewis and Clark Exposition or Thomas Jefferson himself. Having read about Jefferson from numerous books it seems almost impossible an impression wasn't made to me prior to reading this book regarding the Barbary Pirates of the Mediterranean.
Having said all of this, I did have some confusion with all the different boats/ships the authors named during various confrontations. Most likely it was just my lack of understanding of navel vessels that caused by confusion. However, on occasions the authors would write that perhaps only one ship was present, then in the next reference the same characters were on another smaller boat. I don't know where the smaller boats came from, but again this is most likely more on me then the writers. Personally, I would also enjoy learning more about how a handful of marines crossed 500 miles of dessert and ended up with 500 or 600 fighters? Also, where did all the money come from to hire mercenaries? Did they carry money with them of that magnitude. Again, I do not wish to knock the authors on these trite matters as I truly loved the book. It's probably the first book in a while I actually didn't wish was so short.
This appears to be our countries first venture into organizing coup's and it appears we have followed the same model every since. Promise and then short on delivery of those promises.
I would highly recommend; the story reads like a novel with every page being unbelievable!
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Must read.. nice printing and light weight with perfect handling & pictures too